UNIVERSITY OF THE FREE STATE
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE.
Name of the student: Lindokuhle Radebe.
Student Number: 2017234879
Module name: POLS 1524
Lecture: Dr A Botha.
Due Date : 17 September 2018
I declare that the enclosed assignment is my own work, that I have acknowledged all my sources, and that I have not lent my work to a fellow student.
Signature: L.R. RADEBE Date: 17/09/2018.
Table of content South Sudan.
2.1 Civil war
2.3 Natural resources
3.1 Hutchinson’s Curse from God.
3.2 Historical introduction of the conflict in South Sudan.
3.3 The active groups in the conflict since the split of the Sudan People Liberation Army(SPLA),
3.4 Ethnicity role in the conflict in South Sudan.
3.5 The role of natural resources in the conflict of South Sudan.
3.6 Five models that Dr John Gerang presented in 1994.
3.7 The crisis in South Sudan
3.8 The availability of weapons to the civilians and action on part of the United Nations
4. Conclusion and bibliography.
Skinner (2012,1) stated that South Sudan was referred to as Southern Sudan before it gained independence and was part of the Republic of Sudan. Sudan gained independence from the British and Egyptians in 1956.
In this assignment, there will be a more discussion on the topic given at hand. Firstly, there will be definitions of concepts related to the topic given, followed by the discussion of South Sudan conflict and civil war This assignment is divided into eight sections, where South Sudan is being explained into details. First section will be about Hutchinson’s Curse from God, second section will be based on an introduction of the conflict in South Sudan, third section will be based on the active groups in the conflict since the split of the Sudan Peoples Liberation Army(SPLA), the fourth section will be based on the role that ethnicity played in the conflict in South Sudan. The fifth section will be about the role of accessed natural resource in the conflict of the South, the sixth section will be based on the five models that Dr. John Gerang presented in 1994, the seventh section will be on Johnson’s “The Crisis in South Sudan” followed by the last section which will be based on The availability of weapons to the civilians and action on part of the United Nations. Remembering the true objective to complete the undertaking methods were used, such as scrutinizing everyday papers, books and besides the usage of the web with a true objective to make the assignment.
1.Civil war: Is a war which is fought between different groups of people who live I the same country
2.Ethnic: A social group or category of the population that, in a larger society, is set apart and bound together by common ties of race, language, nationality or culture
3 Natural Resources: Are materials provided by the earth that humans can use to make more complex (human-made) products?
3.1Hutchinson’s ‘Curse from God’
Seem from the Western Upper Nile seventeen year long civil war might be isolated into four principal stages. The first stage covers the prompt pre-war long periods of 1981-1983 when early groups of Nuer secessionists’ revolts initially started preparing in the Upper Nile. Working independently at first, these groups bit by bit combined as the Anyanya II development a name received from the Southern secessionist (Anyanya) that battled the government during Sudan’s First Civil war 1955-1972. The second stage was during the 1983-1981 period when the SPLA developed as an intense multi-ethnic battling power in battle with both the Sudanese army and different government-sponsored Northern and Southern “civilian” armies, including alienate portions of the Anyanya II. During this stage, the SPLA experienced significant military advances against the national government, in the mean-time as contradictions internal to the movement were shredding it from inside. The third stage starts with Machias 1991 “coup” and closures with his signing of the formal peace accord with the government in 1997. Rising south on south violence influenced this stage, as opponent Sothern military pioneers and warlords turned their guns against each other’s whole civilian populations. There was not all that much or controlled about the violence of this period. Those able to misuse frequently did in this way, with little idea with regards to the longer-term results. The fourth also, the last stage correspond with the subsequent unraveling of the 1997 Peace Agreement and attendant black of Inter-Nuer fractional fighting in the Western Upper Nile. These Inter-Nuer encounters were largely provoked and arranged by the government of Sudan in its assurance to advance the quick exploitation of previously untapped oil reserves in this country. Significant civilian-based peace initiatives took after, which in the end prevailed alleviating earlier patterns of aggression between Western Nuer and the Dinka neighbors, Inter-Nuer factional battling, nonetheless, has proceeded to quicken in the Western Upper Nile into 2000. In my view, each of the stages conveyed to the fore specific structures and patterns of violence. Besides, every one of them animated radical reassessments of the encouraging specialists and extreme significance of this war on the part of an increasingly demoralized and ruined Nuer civilian
3.2.Historical introduction of the conflict in South Sudan.
South Sudan picked up freedom in July 2011 after over 50 long stretches of battle. Prior to freedom, South Sudan was alluded to as southern Sudan and was a piece of the Republic of Sudan. Sudan picked up autonomy from the British and Egyptians in 1956. In 1899 the frontier control of Sudan by an alliance of the British and Egyptians was formalized into the ‘Townhouse’ Rule. The British were the essential overseers of Sudan until autonomy. England had a double arrangement towards Sudan as far as organization and improvement; while northern Sudan was pushed to grow politically, monetarily, and socially as an Arab-Muslim express, the southern district was generally left undeveloped. The explanations behind this double approach are multi-faceted, going from the thought that there was a ‘lower cost’ of frontier lead in southern Sudan, to the possibility that the British were ‘ensuring’ southerners from advances of the north and Egypt. Truth be told, it was not until the point when 1946 that Britain chose to interface southern Sudan and northern Sudan into one sovereign nation. In 1953 Britain and Egypt started to build up the organizations that would take into consideration self-administration in the south. Thusly, government positions in the south were given to northern Arabic speakers although the dialect of activity had already been English. This made nervousness among the southerners about their future and made noteworthy disdain among the informed class who anticipated that would fill these administrative positions. Because of the disdain that had been rearing for a considerable length of time, and joined with the dread of Arab control because of the new managerial make-up forced by Britain, an insubordination in the south emitted as a low-power common war. The resistance was driven by a gathering known as the Southern Sudan Liberation Movement and its armed force, the Anyanya, whose expressed objective was the freedom of southern Sudan. The common war proceeded until 1972 when a peace assertion was effectively arranged. The 1972 Addis Ababa Assertion ensured an unusual condition of southern self-govern, the affirmation that Islamic law would simply be associated in northern Sudan, and that English would be the official language of the south. This season of peace continued for quite a while until President Jaafar Nimeiri broke the assertion in 1983 by compelling Sharia law all through the whole country. The completion of the Addis Ababa Understanding drove in a flash to the second conscious war between the Sudanese government and the Sudan Individuals’ Freedom Armed force (SPLA) under the specialist of John Garang de Mabior. In the midst of the basic war, two obvious pioneers in the SPLA, Riek Machar, and Lam Akol surrendered from the progressive get-together to make an alternate prepared improvement alluded to at first as the Anyanya II and a short time later as the South Sudan Safeguard Power (SSDF). It has been for the most part recognized that the SSDF was financed by the north remembering the true objective to charm the SPLA. The SSDF was depended on offering security to oil handle that had been closed on account of vulnerability. An entrancing piece of the chipping of the SSDF from the SPLM/An is that however the SPLM/A was seen as a predominately Dinka, the greatest ethnic assembling in South Sudan, the SSDF was predominately Nuer, the second greatest social occasion. In 1986 Nimeiri’s governing body was in courses of action with the SPLA and purportedly close accomplishing an assertion that would complete the normal war when his organization was toppled in a bloodless oust by the National Islamic Front, the precursor of the National Congress Gathering, driven by Omar al Bashir. With the alteration in government, the peace talks were halted, and the basic war continued until 2005 when the Complete Peace Assertion was settled upon. These seasons of basic war were not simply situations where arms gushed uninhibitedly under the control of general subjects, anyway they were in like manner a period when social and customary measures were isolated and changed. A part of the results of these strategies was a crumbling of control that systems, for the most part, had over adolescents, despite the headway of a culture of violence in which little arms transformed into a recognized method for overseeing conflicts. Besides, in light of the split of the SPLM/An in the midst of the normal war and the advancement of an enemy prepared improvements, loyalties isolated between ethnic social affairs and the question was braced and solidified.
3.3The active groups in the conflict since the split of the Sudan Peoples Liberation Army(SPLA),
LeRiche, M. ; Arnold M (2012,308), stated that on 28 August 1991, the SPLA spat into two warring factions. The precipitating event was an unsuccessful coup mounted by Dr. Riek Machar, a Nuer from the Western Upper Nile, and several other high-ranking SPLA o?cers, against their long-standing commander-in-chief, Dr. John Garang, a Bor Dinka. Rejecting the SPLA’s declared political agenda, the coup leaders broke away to form an independent rebel movement which was known as the ‘SPLA-Nasir’ faction which was under the banner of ‘political independence for the South’. Although it was con?ned at ?rst to the highest ranks of the SPLA leadership, this political rift soon sparked o? a full-scale military confrontation between the two largest ethnic groups in the South, the Dinka (Jieng) and Nuer (Nei to death), respectively. During October and November 1991, Nuer forces allied with Machar drove deep into Bor Dinka country, Garang’s home area, killing hundreds of civilians and displacing up to 70 percent of the Bor population in what became known as the ‘Bor Massacre’ (Human Rights Watch 1991: 96–9). Garang’s ‘SPLA-Mainstream’ forces retaliated by leveling scores of Nuer villages. Soon the entire region was caught up in a morass of South-on-South violence which has continued to gain momentum into the present. These tragic developments marked the beginning of a new phase of an already lengthy civil war, in which North-South con?icts had previously predominated (cf. Daly & Sikainga 1993; Deng 1995; Harir & Tvedt 1994; Human Rights Watch 1999; Petterson 1999; Ray 1994).
3.4.The role that ethnicity played in the conflict in South Sudan.
Ethnicity played a negative role in the conflict of South Sudan. According to Arnold, M. & LeRiche, M. (2012;312) Baggara militias started to murder, rape and oppress several unarmed Nuer and Dinka woman and children in a dramatic breech of previously respected ethical limits on inter-tribal welfare fighting in this region. The power of these attacks was with the end goal that ?eeing Nuer and Dinka survivors were regularly compelled to forsake injured and dead relatives to the hooks of vultures. Western Nuer people started to like ‘projectile casualties’ with ‘lightning casualties’ as an extraordinary classification of a soul – known as col wic – which could possibly be changed, when legitimately respected and satisfied, into a watchman soul and a reachable sign of a generally inaccessible ‘maker’ God. Lighting victims were not grieved by Nuer like different passings. Or maybe, individuals considered them to be certain indications of Heavenly nature’s immediate commitment in and thus, proceeding with worry for the natural universe of people. People executed by lightning were said to be ‘picked’ by Godlikeness, for reasons no Nuer would dare to get it. Since the soul of such a man was believed to be taken by God specifically ‘up into the sky’, the soul opened up a direct and consequently, conceivably more effective means of prayer correspondence and supplication for surviving relatives. In the midst of grave risk, when passing seemed up and coming, there was not any more e?ective methods for prayer than calling upon one’s family’s col wic spirit for divine guidance and protection. By thus equating the roar and ?ash of lightning with those of gunfire. This spiritual equation also greatly enhanced men’s courage. Col wic spirits were believed to be so powerful that they could even protect their supplicants from bullets. Furthermore, every col wic spirit expected surviving relatives to provide it with posthumous heirs by marrying a living ‘ghost wife’ (ciek joka) in its name. Although a ‘ghost wife’ depended in daily life on the material and procreative support of a living pro-husband, who was normally a close paternal or maternal relative of the deceased, any children she bore were the patrilineal descendants of her spirit husband. This moral obligation was so strong that surviving kinsmen normally delayed marrying wives in their own names until after a ‘ghost marriage’ for a newly deceased col wic spirit could be arranged. To act otherwise was to invite demonstrations of divine anger in the form of illness, death or some other misfortune visited upon the neglectful kin. Since acquiring progeny was the tantamount life goal of every Nuer and the only form of immortality valued by them, these beliefs were deeply reassuring. Western Nuer men could thus face their better-armed Baggara opponents secure in the knowledge that, if shot and killed, their relatives would do everything in their power to provide them with posthumous heirs.
3.5.The role of accessed natural resource in the conflict of South Sudan.
Because of see-saw fights were battled about the control of Bor, Bentiu, and Malakal (the capitals of Jonglei, Solidarity, and Upper Nile states), and additionally the oil ?elds in Solidarity. The oil organizations close down their establishments in Solidarity and pulled back their staff. In November, the terms of the 2012 oil understanding were corrected to support Khartoum. There were likewise a few gatherings between the Sudanese National Knowledge and Security Administration and South Sudan’s Security Administration. Prospects for conveying goals to the current con?ict rely upon global on-screen characters acting capably, and various different elements. Riek’s reputation isn’t empowering. In the 1990s, he teamed up with Khartoum from the beginning of his resistance to Garang, while holding to an improbable expectation that his open promotion of human rights and vote based system would pick up him the help of Western governments, for example, the US. Toward the start of this con?ict, he offered to share oil incomes with Khartoum, in an unrefined endeavor to get their help. So far he has been rebuked. In the 1990s, as now, he rapidly lost control of troops on the ground. In 1991 he rejected the misfortune non-military personnel life as ‘lamentable’, while he has pardoned non-military personnel passings as something that occurs in war. These between Nuer encounters were to a great extent incited and organized by the legislature of Sudan in its assurance to advance the quick misuse of already undiscovered oil holds in this locale. Amid this same period, northern Baggara Bedouin state armies from southern Kordofan started assaulting Nuer and Dinka regular folks situated in the northern Western Upper Nile (Mohamed Salih and Harir 1994). Mounted on horseback and using government-provided AK-47s, these dairy cattle and slave-chasing thieves proclaimed a jihad against a southern non-military personnel populace equipped with minimal more than lances. Prepared in counter-revolt strategies by the Sudanese armed force and depended with the errand of ousting the oil fields north of Bentiu, these Baggara civilian armies started to slaughter, assault and oppress many unarmed Nuer and Dinka ladies and kids in an emotional breech of already regarded moral breaking points on between ancestral fighting in this locale. In spite of these proceeding with pressures, SPLA powers under the order of Riek Machar prevailing with regards to building up a rampart in the northern Western Upper Nile against encouraging Baggara assaults. Another SPLA showcase focus was set up at Rubnyagai, not a long way from the legislature controlled commonplace capital of Bentiu. Before the long trade was created, and in which Nuer livestock, destined for northern meat markets, were exchanged for grain, seed, cloth, salt, sugar and other consumer goods imported from black markets in the North. During this same period, Machar forged an alliance with the bulk of the Anyanya II army and integrated it with the SPLA. However, a few outstanding Anyanya II remnants remained bound to the northern military, including several hundred Bul Nuer troops under the command of Paulino Matiep. Strategically located in the north-western quadrant of the Western Upper Nile, these Bul Nuer troops e?ectively controlled the southern gateway of northern trade routes ?owing into Rubnyagai. They also provided a formidable bu?er between the rich oil ?elds lying in the north of the province and SPLA forces to the west and south. These Anyanya II were, therefore, particularly valued governmental allies – a privileged position that Paulino Matiep avidly exploited. According to Skinner, S. (2012,3) The SSDF was tasked with providing security to oil fields that had been closed due to insecurity, which proves that the SSDF was financed by the north in order to preoccupy the SPLM.
3.6 Five models that Dr. John Gerang presented in 1994.
Arnold, M, and LeRiche, M (2012;35) expressed that Dr. John Gerang introduced 5 models in 1994 for possible war results, specifically as: 1) a secular, democratic New Sudan 2) a transitory confederation leading a New Sudan (Model 5) 3) the ‘Old Sudan’ ruled by Khartoum’s authoritarian regimes 4) a ‘United black African Sudan’ 5) lastly the Southern independence via referendum, Dr. Gerang vision for South Sudan was to manufacture a New South Sudan. In spite of the fact that Garang utilized the New Sudan vision principally as an investigate of Khartoum, he additionally expected it as a rebuke to Southern secessionists. He contended that unadulterated secessionism was disparaging to Southerners: ‘Since when did we not have a place with Sudan… Is the situation not rather that there are individuals in Sudan who need to confiscate us of our property, of our Sudan?’54 For Garang, looking for a changed however joined Sudan was essentially about picking up nobility for Southerners; withdrawal was a type of degradation.55 This assessment would long guide the New Sudan vision; in 2008 the development’s then pioneer Salva Kiir contended that it must keep up its national center: ‘it would be embarrassing for Southern Sudanese to decrease themselves, in their own particular nation, to the sub-national level as opposed to forming and coordinating the national key bearing of Sudan’.56 Garang regularly asserted that ’63 for every penny of Sudanese are Africans’. The SPLA/M’s notable accentuation on solidarity was additionally even minded: for Garang, regardless of the solid open help for it, secessionism was tightening; he remarked in 1994, ‘By articulating partition, there is nothing that the SPLM can accomplish more than what it has been doing since 1983’. ‘The SPLM target and battle for Model 2, that is, for a Sudanese confederation, drive either to the New Sudan (Model 1), or to division (Model 5), and consequently, by embracing this methodology, the SPLM/A keeps every one of its alternatives open without losing anything. With Garang’s passing the New Sudan Vision kicked the bucket, at any rate as initially embraced. Appropriately or wrongly, the freedom development had been excessively focused on Garang. By the January 2011 choice, solidarity was a misleading idea in Southern Sudan that flagged capitulation, minimization, and abuse, though partition resonated as strengthening and liberation. As the SPLM’s choice backing material praised: ‘Vote in favor of division; vote in favor of flexibility. Despite the fact that the SPLA/M may have moved its objectives after some time, Garang’s sequencing of ‘models’ stressing solidarity profoundly affected the CPA peace process through the Interim Period. The SPLA/M’s ‘contingent duty to the solidarity of Sudan’ supported its interest in the CPA’s execution; amid that period it never faltered about the Southern appropriate to self-assurance. In spite of Garang’s expectations for a CPA-actuated New Sudan, few were astonished that Southerners collectively picked the partition, in a survey, the Carter Center proclaimed as designating ‘overpowering prevalent help for the severance of Southern Sudan’. In end out of the five models of Dr. John Gerang the forward model “United black African Sudan”, is the one that got the most support toward the end.
3.7The crisis in South Sudan.
On 16 December 2013 The leader of the Republic of South Sudan, Salva Kiir Mayardit, appeared on state TV in military uniform to report that he had successfully put down a topple try in the capital, Juba. The topple attempt was said to have been driven by past Vice-President Riek Machar and a couple of ex-department ministers and experts of the choice. Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), including Madame Rebecca Nyanding de Mabior, the dame of the SPLM’s first pioneer, John Garang. Eleven insisted disturb plotters were caught in their homes, yet Riek Machar made tracks in an opposite direction from Juba, and, amidst reports all through the accompanying couple of significant lots of centered killings of Nuer in Juba by men in uniform dedicated to the President, the officers of the eighth and fourth furnished power divisions of the Sudan People’s Liberation Armed power (SPLA) in Jonglein and Unity states pronounced their departing suddenly to Riek Machar and seized control of the state capitals of Bor and Bentiu. In telephone interviews from a secure spot, Riek Machar denied that he had been locked in with a bombshell yet then requested that the furnished power topple Salva Kiir additionally, revealed his plans to stroll on Juba. Despite the way that the caught ministers began from a variety of systems across finished South Sudan, Western media reports cast the political fight just in hereditary terms, of Salva Kiir’s Dinka against Riek Machar’s Nuer. The concentrated on killings in Juba and reprisal killings of Dinka by Nuer in Akobo and Bor in Jonglei state seemed to persevere through this out. The miracle was said to have begun with a fight among Nuer and Dinka warriors in the presidential ensure following a get-together of the SPLM’s National Freedom Council (NLC), which Riek Machar and the asserted plotters had boycotted, and in which Salva Kiir had chided Riek in strident terms. While the law-making body of South Sudan has kept to this type of events, they have shown insignificant strong evidence to help their case of a plot, and a couple of cheerful governments have recognized it unequivocally. Or maybe there was a strong all-inclusive weight for the landing of the eleven detainees. During the next month see-saw quarrels were fought over the control of Bor, Bentiu, and Malakal (the capitals of Jonglei, Unity, and Upper Nile states), and what’s more the oil fields in Unity. The oil associations close their foundations in Unity and pulled back their staff. While the forces said to be dependable to Riek Machar were drawn generally from surrendering legions in the three states and some outfitted consistent resident Nuer clusters from Jonglei, the law-making body gotten military assistance from Uganda, and the SPLA-North and Equity and Equality Movement (JEM) controls in resistance to Khartoum in the neighboring Blue Nile and South Kordofan states. Overall weight on both the organization and protesters achieved an IGAD-encouraged end of dangers assertion in Addis Ababa on 23 January, yet this exhibited to be a simultaneousness on paper just with no incite course of action for keeping an eye on the ground. By the beginning of February around 750,000 individuals were assessed to have been removed by the doing combating in Juba and the three states; 85,200 were searching for protecting in the blends of the UN Mission in the Republic of South Sudan (UNMISS); and more than 130,000 were surveyed to have fled into neighboring countries, including Sudan.1 Estimates of passing have moved wildly from 1,000 to 100, 000.
3.8The availability of weapons to the civilians and action on part of the United Nations.
An essential wellspring of weapons to regular people all through the common wars was the administration and military for different reasons. For example, in Luke’s express, the SPLA gave weapons to steers guardians to empower them to shield themselves and their networks from steers plunderers. Likewise, to the immediate appropriation of weapons to regular people, another wellspring of little points in South Sudan has been the deal and the spillage of weapons from warriors to regular citizens on a specially appointed premise. The blend of poor preparing and poor pay add to an unfaltering supply of weapons from the composed powers of South Sudan to the regular citizen populace. The stream of weapons from the sorted-out powers has ended up being the issue following demilitarization crusades, as it has been charged that the gathered weapons are frequently spilled back to the populace. It is vital to feature that both Sudan and South Sudan are provided with weapons by different nations. UN Comrade information, which ought not to be a far-reaching posting of weapons deals and exchanges, reports that somewhere in the range of 1992 and 2005 no less than 34 nations sent out SALW to Sudan and roughly 96 percent of these exchanges were from Iran and China. More late information demonstrates that both Ukraine and Kenya have recorded exchanges with South Sudan in 2007 and 2008. The information that exists on arms exchanges is deficient and is frequently underrepresented by both the supplier and beneficiary governments.
In conclusion from the above mentioned facts South Sudan civil war had many causes which had a negative impact on people, for instance, many citizens lost their families, the SPLA had to be divided into two groups, many policies had to chance and lastly, even the leadership styles had to change.
https://www.collinsdictionary.com Accessed 2018.09.14
https://www.dictionary.com/browse/ethnicity Accessed 2018.09.14
Hutchninson, S. 2001. A Curse from God. Journal of Modern African studies. 39(2), pp.307-331.
Johnson, D. 2014. Crisis in South Sudan. Journal of African Affairs. 10.1093, p 1-10
LeRiche, M. & Arnold, M. 2012, From Revolution to Independence. 1st ed. Oxford University Press.
Skinner, S. 2012. Civilian disarmament in South Sudan: A legacy of struggle, Safe world. February, p 1-14.